Posted November 19th. 2002. - Special Feature by David Hinds

There are Africans who are simultaneously Pro-African and Multiracial

I welcome Mr. Annan Boodram's pledge to join the crusade for the creation of what I called a "less imperfect future"(Stabroek News November 19, 2002). The fact that his acceptance letter is loaded with the very things I asked that we eschew is testimony to the difficulty of the task ahead. But at least he accepts that we need to change our ways. My response to his letter, therefore, is more clarification and observation than quarrel.

Mr. Boodram is not the first person to credit me with providing the intellectual framework for African marginalization and thus holding me responsible for the actions that presumably flowed from that analysis. Apart from assuming that I have great influence on African Guyanese actions, that formulation, more importantly, locates African political behavior not within the context of Indian-African competition and conflict, but purely within the confines of African penchant for violence, inherent hatred of Indians, and lust for domination. According to this formulation, African charges of, and actions against, marginalization have absolutely no political, economic, social, or historical basis. Therefore, it is a figment of their crooked racist imagination that is spurred on by their crooked racist intellectuals led by David Hinds. This attitude of blaming the other side is precisely what I am asking that we break with.

What are the facts? First, the ideology and practice of racial marginalization is nothing new; it is at the very center of our country's historical evolution. It is in essence class-based, but, given the convergence of race and class in Guyana, it generally manifests itself at the level of race. Second, David Hinds was not the inventor of the term marginalization nor did he introduce it into the current phase of political debate and conflict. Third, while over the years I have written and spoken publicly about discrimination against Africans since the PPP took office, I did not join the debate on African marginalization until earlier this year.

I joined the debate because I disagreed with the notion of marginalization that was being peddled by some African leaders and ideologues to the effect that African marginalization is caused by East Indians. I felt I needed to project an alternative view that did not dishonestly deny that Africans were marginalized, but which situated that marginalization within a broader historical context. I went to Buxton and heard what was being preached there and I spoke with other African leaders who generally took the position that Indians were either solely or largely to be blamed for African marginalization. This dismayed and frightened me, for I saw therein the encouragement of anti-Indian violence. So I decided to publicly challenge them.

Therefore, Mr. Boodram, if the criminals had listened to me, they would not be beating and killing Indians; they would instead be turning inwards and seeking to repair the African self. Further, they would not be fighting to get rid of the PPP and Indians; they would instead be struggling to change the political framework to allow Africans to share power with Indians. You have a duty to tell the truth about Hinds, Mr. Boodram. He stands for power sharing, not African domination. He recognizes African marginalization but he does not blame Indians for it; he puts that squarely at the feet of the country's political economy. So if Hinds has any disciples, they would certainly not be the band operating out of Buxton even if some of them may respect me.

But let me say this loud and clear: if anyone expects me to deny that there is African marginalization in Guyana, as the Jamaicans would say "you betta wheel and come again." To deny African marginalization would be the ultimate in dishonesty. Evidence? My evidence is the political economy and the political and economic practices that reek of authoritarianism and racial segregation and marginalizes not only Africans but also the vast majority of Guyanese of all races. The African case is special only because those who currently control levers of powers are the East Indian elites. Nobody asked me for evidence when, along with others, I agitated, among other things, against Indian marginalization perpetrated by a government controlled by the elites of my race.

Discrimination is inherent in any system, but when that discrimination has the cumulative effect of pushing a group outside of the formal and informal corridors of powers, it becomes marginalization. So there can be discrimination without marginalization. Marginalization is also subtle; it can be disguised as necessary economic or political policy. For example, the refusal to put sugar at the mercy of the structural adjusters while hastily pushing bauxite in that direction might look like pure economics, but in Guyana's case the consequences are racial. If you follow the adjusters and downsize and or suppress public servants' wages, in our context the consequences are racial. If you build a spanking new university on the Correntyne coast, that might look like decentralizing education, but if you simultaneously allow the Demerara campus to decline, then the policy takes on new racial energy. These are but a few examples. If the PNC were to carry out the same policies Africans will view them as "sell out" or "curry favoring Indians," while Indians will see them as bribes. In racially charged societies what is normal in normal situations becomes abnormal. And when you are blind, or pretend to be blind, to this fact you open yourself to charges of bad faith.

When I talked about recognizing and utilizing Mr. Hoyte's goodwill I meant using that opening to foster a less adversarial and a more cooperative form of governance. I did not mean making deals with the PNC to allow the PPP to govern without PNC sabotage as Mr. Boodram thinks. But Mr. Boodram reveals some things that I did not know. I know Mr. Boodram was close to the PPP, so I am tempted to trust his word. However, the PPP might want to tell the nation whether it indeed made these deals with the PNC.

Mr. Boodram writes carelessly about the WPA episode. He quotes Tacuma Ogunseye who was talking about the post-election and not the pre-election scenario as Mr. Boodram thinks. First, the WPA could never have opposed a Jagan-Thomas ticket since initially they did not support Dr. Jagan as the presidential candidate. What Ogunseye referred to was a PPP offer after the elections for Dr. Thomas to join the cabinet, not as WPA, but in his personal capacity. That offer was withdrawn before the WPA could respond.

Mr. Boodram disputes my position that after 1955 Dr. Jagan chose class over race. Perhaps he is confused because Dr. Jagan continued to talk class over race but acted the other way. What are the facts? After the Burnham group left in 1955, minus the bulk of the African leadership, Dr. Jagan courted and brought into the party leadership elements of the Indian economic and cultural elite--C. R. Jacobs, Edward Beharry, Balram Singh Rai, et al. What else but race would bring together during the Cold War the Indian capitalists and the Indian communists in one party? Dr. Jagan kept Guyana out of the West Indies Federation, primarily, though not exclusively, because in his own words Indian feared being a minority. The Indian elite had by then taken over the party. In fact, it was C. R. Jacobs that Jagan sent to negotiate with Kwayana. And when they failed to get Kwayana to accept the party's chairmanship on their terms, Jagan told the man who had stood up for him and had refused the party leadership in deference to Jagan "We will fight you, comrade". And he fought him with the pro-Indian Rai. Note, Kwayana had not yet incorporated Black Nationalism into his ideological outlook.

Mr. Boodram, of course, blames Burnham solely for bringing race into the equation. Mr. Burnham is his own worst enemy. But even for an extreme critic of the PNC founder/leader such as this writer, it is amazing some of the things for which he his blamed. This is part of the problem -if Indians cannot find anything good to say about Burnham then straight away a barrier to race relations is erected. I know this is a difficult task that will take a lot of compassion, but this is what is need from both Africans and Indians.

First, Mr. Burnham, like Dr. Jagan, confronted a tempting racial situation and chose to exploit it. Second, Mr. Burnham did not "attract Kwayana and Martin Carter from the PPP." These two persons went with Burnham after they were pushed out of the PPP in 1956. Kwayana joined the PNC in 1959 and Carter linked up with Burnham in 1966--1967. In any case, if Burnham used race to attract Kwayana, et al., what did he use to attract Teekah, Harry Lall, Halim Majeed et al?

Mr. Boodram makes heavy weather of my reference to the "Freedom Fighters" at Buxton. I was careless in not putting that term in inverted commas. But Mr. Boodram, who obviously reads what I write, must know that I was one of the first persons to expose the fact that these people are not freedom fighters. Why is he so anxious to put me in bed with these people, both as their intellectual guru as an apologist for them? If you continue to do that, Mr. Boodram, I will hesitate to accept your hand of solidarity.

In the final analysis the Boodrams will have to accept that there are African voices that are simultaneously pro-African and multiracial; that there are African voices that disassociate themselves from African extremism and anti-Indianism without denouncing their Africaness or the entire African race; and that decency resides among Africans too. This is also a message for those Africans who like Mr. Boodram question my sincerity merely because I shun the extreme and strive for the racial center.

Dr Hinds is a University Lecturer and Political Commentator and Activist. He currently teaches Political Science at Glendale College and Mt San Antonio College in California. Please send your comments on this article to dhinds6106@aol.com.

For more information about and analysis of Guyanese and Caribbean politics click here at guyanacaribbeanpolitics.com.